Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (Indonesian: [suˌsilɔ ˌbambaŋ juɖɔˈjɔnɔ] ; born 9 September 1949), commonly referred to as SBY (Indonesian: [ɛsˈbeje]), is an Indonesian politician and retired military officer who served as the sixth president of Indonesia from 2004 to 2014 and the second president from the military after Suharto. He founded the Democratic Party of Indonesia and served as its 4th chairman from 2014 until 2020. He also served as the 8th and 10th Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs from 2000 until 2001 and again from 2001 until 2004. He also served as the president of the Assembly and chair of the Council of the Global Green Growth Institute. Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election—the first direct presidential election in Indonesia, defeating incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri. He was sworn into office on 20 October 2004, together with Jusuf Kalla as Vice President. He ran for re-election in 2009 with Boediono as his running mate, and won with an outright majority of the votes in the first round of balloting; he was sworn in for a second term on 20 October 2009. During his tenure as president, Indonesia participated in many world peace missions, both at the national and international levels. Yudhoyono successfully negotiated a deal that ended the Aceh insurgency, an insurgency which lasted from 1976 to 2005. As a result, he was given the title "Father of Peace." Yudhoyono also chaired the 18th and 19th ASEAN Summits in 2011 and was awarded the Lifetime Achievement Award (Champions of the Earth) in 2014.

== Name == The name Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is of Javanese origins, with Sanskrit roots. Susilo comes from the words su-, meaning "good" and -sila, meaning "behaviour, conduct, or moral." Bambang is a traditional male name in Javanese, meaning "knight," while Yudhoyono comes from the words yuddha, meaning "battle, fight"; and yana, meaning "journey." Thus his full name roughly translates to "well behaved knight on a war mission." The name "Yudhoyono" is not an inherited surname; most Javanese do not have surnames. Rather, he chose it for his military name-tag, and it is how he is referred to abroad. His children and grandchildren go by the name "Yudhoyono," and in formal meetings and functions he is addressed as Dr. Yudhoyono. In Indonesia, he is usually referred to and widely known as "SBY."

Early life and education

=== Early life and family === Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was born on 9 September 1949, in Tremas, a village in Arjosari, Pacitan Regency, East Java, to a lower-middle-class family. His father was a Javanese man named Raden Soekotjo (1925 – 4 August 2001), whose lineage can be traced to Hamengkubuwono II, while his mother was a Javanese woman named Siti Habibah (30 June 1932 – 30 August 2019).

=== Education === Yudhoyono had wanted to join the army since he was a child. In school, he developed a reputation as an academic achiever, excelling in writing poems, short stories, and play-acting. Yudhoyono was also talented in music and sport, reflected when he and his friends established a volleyball club called Klub Rajawali and a band called Gaya Teruna. When he was in fifth grade, Yudhoyono visited the Indonesian Armed Forces Academy (AKABRI). After seeing the soldiers training there and perhaps inspired by his own father's career, Yudhoyono became determined to join the Indonesian Armed Forces and become a soldier. Yudhoyono planned to enlist after graduating from high school in 1968; however, he missed the registration period. Young Yudhoyono then became a student under the Department of Mechanical Engineering at the Sepuluh Nopember Institute of Technology (ITS) in Surabaya before entering the Vocational Education Development Center in Malang, East Java. There, he was able to prepare everything for the next phase of his education at the military academy AKABRI. Yudhoyono officially entered AKABRI in 1970 after passing the test in Bandung. Yudhoyono also studied in the United States, where he received his master's degree in Business Management from Webster University in 1991. He subsequently earned PhD in agricultural economics from the Bogor Agricultural University on 3 October 2004, two days before his presidential victory was announced. He was also awarded two honorary doctorates in 2005 in the fields, respectively, of law from his alma mater, Webster University, and in political science from Thammasat University in Thailand. On 12 June 2014, he earned professor degree from Defense University of Indonesia in National Defense Science.

Military service

Military academy

Yudhoyono spent three years at AKABRI and became the commander of the Cadet Corps Division there. He graduated from AKABRI as second lieutenant in 1973, and as the best graduate of the year, received the prestigious Adhi Makayasa medal from President Suharto.

=== Kostrad === After graduating, Yudhoyono joined the Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) and became a platoon commander in the 330th Airborne Battalion. Aside from leading his troops, Yudhoyono was also tasked with giving the battalion soldiers lessons on general knowledge and English. Yudhoyono's proficiency in English was one of the reasons why he was sent to the United States to undertake the Airborne and Ranger Courses at Fort Benning in 1975. Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia in 1976, where he became a platoon commander in the 305th Battalion and was assigned to Indonesian-occupied East Timor. Yudhoyono had several tours of duty and, like many other Indonesian officers involved in the occupation of East Timor, was accused of committing war crimes. However, Yudhoyono has never been charged with any specific act. From East Timor, Yudhoyono became a mortar platoon commander in 1977, an operations officer for an airborne brigade from 1977 to 1978, and a company commander at Kostrad from 1979 to 1981. Yudhoyono then spent 1981 and 1982 working at the Army headquarters. While working at the Army headquarters, Yudhoyono was sent to the United States again, this time to participate in the Infantry Officer Advanced Course at Fort Benning and in training with the 82nd Airborne Division. Yudhoyono also spent time in Panama and went through the jungle warfare school. When Yudhoyono returned in 1983, he was made commander of the Infantry Trainers' School. It was not long before he was abroad again, this time to Belgium and West Germany, to undertake the Antitank weapons Course. In 1985, Yudhoyono also took a Battalion Commando Course in Malaysia. From 1986 to 1988, Yudhoyono served with Kodam IX/Udayana, which covers Bali and the Lesser Sunda Islands. Yudhoyono was a battalion commander from 1986 to 1988 and was part of the operational staff in 1988. In 1989, Yudhoyono became a lecturer at the Army Staff College (Seskoad) and delivered a presentation entitled "ABRI's Professionalism at the Present and in the Future". Together with Agus Wirahadikusumah, Yudhoyono published a book entitled "The Challenges of Development". Whilst at Seskoad, Yudhoyono also took the opportunity to further his own military education. He went to the US Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. While in the United States, he took the opportunity to obtain an MA degree in business management from Webster University in 1991. In 1992, Yudhoyono was transferred to the Army Information Department and worked as a speechwriter for General Edi Sudrajat, the Army chief of staff. In 1993, when Edi became commander of the Military of Indonesia (ABRI), Yudhoyono joined Edi's personal staff. Edi did not last long as ABRI commander and Yudhoyono was then transferred back to Kostrad where he became a brigade commander. A year later, Yudhoyono was the operations assistant at Jaya (Jakarta) Military Area Command before taking command IV/Diponegoro Military Area Command in Central Java. Yudhoyono had one more stint overseas when he became Indonesia's chief military observer of the United Nation Peacekeeping Force in Bosnia in 1995–96. When Yudhoyono returned to Indonesia, he was made KODAM Jaya chief of staff before being appointed as KODAM II/Sriwijaya commander. In this position, Yudhoyono was responsible for military operations in southern Sumatra. He served in this position until 1997, when he was appointed chief of staff for social-political affairs. At the same time, he was also appointed chairman of the ABRI Faction in the People's Consultative Assembly General Session and participated in Suharto's election to a seventh term as president.

Chairman of the ABRI faction

In 1997, he was appointed a member of parliament and became the Chief of Territorial Staff (Kaster) of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), while also serving as the spokesman for the ABRI faction before the MPR General Session in March 1998. In the days leading up to Suharto's resignation in May 1998, Yudhoyono and pro-reform ABRI officers held meetings and discussions with Nurcholish Madjid, a pro-reform secular Muslim leader. In their discussions, Yudhoyono accepted that Suharto should resign, but like the ABRI officers who attended his meetings, he was reluctant to publicly withdraw their support for Suharto, let alone call for Suharto's resignation. Nevertheless, the pressure eventually became too much for Suharto, who resigned on May 21, 1998. As Indonesia entered the reform era, ABRI's popularity, due to its association with Suharto, was at an all-time low. To reduce the political role of ABRI, Yudhoyono's chief of staff for socio-political affairs in parliament was renamed chief of staff for territorial affairs and in 1999, ABRI was renamed TNI and the Indonesian National Police (Polri) was separated. At this time, Yudhoyono's popularity began to rise as he offered ideas and concepts for reforming the military and the state. He did this by combining the strong reformist sentiment at the time with the TNI's concern for security and stability. Due to his high education (completing his doctorate during the presidential election) and his well-planned maneuvers, Yudhoyono was known as the "thinking general.

Political career

Wahid presidency

Yudhoyono was appointed mining and energy minister in the cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid in 1999. According to General Wiranto, who assisted Wahid in the formation of the Cabinet, he had recommended to the president that Yudhoyono would do better as Army chief of staff. However, Wahid rejected the idea and Yudhoyono became the minister of mining and energy instead. At the same time, Yudhoyono ended his military career with the rank of lieutenant general, although he would be made honorary general in 2000. Yudhoyono's popularity grew, even as minister of mining and energy. In June 2000, there were rumours that Wahid, because of his lack of skill as an administrator was going to appoint a first minister to look after the day-to-day running of the government. Yudhoyono's name appeared as a potential candidate for the position, although eventually Wahid appointed Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri as the day to day administrator. In August 2000, after a cabinet reshuffle, Yudhoyono became the coordinating minister for politic and security affairs. One of his tasks was to separate the army from politics. This was in line with his reformist ideas on the future of Indonesian military, and is a view he has held since his days in an army policy centre. He said at that time:

Since 1998, the military has decided to stay out of day-to-day politics. The basic idea of military reform is to go back to the role and function of the military as a defense force and move them away from politics systematically. The trend is moving in such a way that there is no so-called 'dual function' of the military, there is no so-called social political mission in the military. Another task that Yudhoyono was given was as an intermediary between Wahid and the Suharto family. At the time, Wahid was trying to make Suharto hand back all the money which he had allegedly obtained through corruption when he was president. Yudhoyono was sent by Wahid to convey this wish and to negotiate with the former first family. However, Yudhoyono was not successful in this venture. At the beginning of 2001, with political pressure increasing on him, Wahid ordered Yudhoyono to form a crisis centre with Yudhoyono as chairman The purpose of this crisis centre was to assist the president in giving policy advice and was headquartered at Yudhoyono's office. It seemed as if because of this appointment, Yudhoyono could be considered one of Wahid's men, however Yudhoyono would break ranks from Wahid in July 2001 when the latter was facing impeachment. In desperation, Wahid issued a decree freezing the People's Representative Council (DPR) and then asked Yudhoyono to declare a state of emergency to further strengthen his position. Yudhoyono refused to accept this, and Wahid dismissed him.

Megawati presidency

On 23 July 2001, in a special session, the MPR impeached Wahid and replaced him with Megawati as president. A few days later when the MPR assembled to elect a new vice president, Yudhoyono ran for the office, competing against Akbar Tanjung of the Golkar Party and Hamzah Haz of the United Development Party (PPP). Yudhoyono and Akbar lost out to Hamzah Haz who became the new vice president. Yudhoyono was appointed to his old position of coordinating minister of political and security affairs in Megawati's new cabinet. After the Bali bombings in October 2002, he oversaw the hunt for and arrest of those responsible, and gained a reputation both in Indonesia and abroad as one of the few Indonesian politicians who was serious about the war on terrorism. His speech during the first anniversary of the Bali bombings (in which many Australians were killed) was praised by the Australian media and public. Yudhoyono also dealt with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), a separatist movement wanting to separate the Province of Aceh from Indonesia. On May 19, 2003, President Megawati declared a state of military emergency in Aceh, a measure that was subsequently extended in November.

Democratic Party

Yudhoyono's supporters saw Yudhoyono's participation in the vice-presidential election as a sign of his popularity and recognised Yudhoyono's potential as a possible leader for Indonesia. One of these supporters, Vence Rumangkang approached Yudhoyono with the idea of forming a political party to help shore up support for the 2004 presidential elections. Yudhoyono approved of the idea and after going through the basic concepts, left Rumangkang in charge of forming the Party. From 12 to 19 August 2001, Rumangkang began holding a series of meetings to discuss the formation of the party while holding consultations with Yudhoyono. Yudhoyono personally led the meetings on 19 and 20 August 2001, and the basic outline of the Democratic Party was finalised. On 9 September 2001, the formation of the party was officially declared, and it was registered at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights on 10 September. The organizers behind Democratic Party's formation went to extreme lengths to make sure that PD was Yudhoyono's personal political party. The declaration of its formation was 9 September 2001, which was Yudhoyono's birthday, and the Party originally had 99 members.

Road to presidency

The United Democratic Nationhood Party (PPDK) was the first to bring up the subject of nomination. In September 2003, Yudhoyono's own party began to make preparations in case Yudhoyono was willing to accept a presidential nomination. The Democratic Party then initiated a publicity campaign to promote Yudhoyono as a candidate. For his part, Yudhoyono was not responsive to both PPDK and the Democratic Party's manoeuvrings to nominate him and continued his duties as minister. PPDK was disappointed in Yudhoyono's reaction, and the Democratic Party continued to wait for Yudhoyono to resign his position, as was expected of all presidential candidates apart from the incumbent president and vice president. The turning point came on 1 March 2004, when Yudhoyono's secretary, Sudi Silalahi announced to the media that for the last six months, Yudhoyono had been excluded from policy decision-making in the field of politics and security. On 2 March 2004, Megawati responded that she had never excluded Yudhoyono, while her husband, Taufiq Kiemas called Yudhoyono childish for complaining to the media instead of the president herself. On 8 March 2004, Yudhoyono sent a letter asking for permission to meet the president about his ministerial authority. Megawati did not respond when she received the letter, although she invited Yudhoyono along to a cabinet meeting on 11 March 2004. Yudhoyono did not attend the cabinet meeting and instead held a press conference at his office and announced his resignation from the position of coordinating minister of political and security affairs. He also announced that he was ready to be nominated as a presidential candidate. Yudhoyono's popularity skyrocketed after his falling out with Megawati as he was seen by the people as the underdog. However this popularity did not translate to a victory for the Democratic Party at the 2004 legislative elections. The party won 7.5% of the votes, which was still enough to nominate Yudhoyono as a presidential candidate. Yudhoyono accepted the nomination and picked Golkar's Jusuf Kalla as his running mate. Aside from the Democratic Party, their presidential and vice-presidential candidacy was supported by the Crescent Star Party (PBB), the Reform Star Party (PBR) and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI).

Yudhoyono's manifesto for the future of Indonesia, summarised in a book titled Vision For Change written by him and distributed for free during the campaign, was built on four pillars: prosperity, peace, justice and democracy. At the top of his agenda was a plan for increasing economic prosperity, aiming for economic growth of at least 7% and a revival of small and medium-sized enterprises. He also put forward policies to offer better credit lines, to cut red tape, improve labour laws and to root out corruption from the top down. He told an interviewer:

If we are to reduce poverty, create jobs, increase purchasing power and rebuild infrastructure, then we will need new capital. Of course, to be able to invite investment, I have to improve the climate – legal certainties, political stability, law and order, sound tax policies, customs policies, good labor management. I will improve the guarantees to encourage investors to come to Indonesia. Yudhoyono's perceived communication skills made him the front-runner throughout the election campaign, according to many opinion polls and the opinions of election commentators, ahead of the other candidates (Megawati, Wiranto, Amien Rais, and Hamzah). On 5 July 2004, Yudhoyono participated in the first round of the presidential election, coming first with 33% of the votes. However, 50% of votes were required for a new president and vice president to be elected, and this meant Yudhoyono going into a run-off against Megawati. In the run-off, Yudhoyono faced a challenge from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), forming a national coalition with Golkar, the PPP, Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) and the Indonesian National Party (PNI). Yudhoyono then declared that his coalition, which now received political support from the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), would be the people's coalition. On 20 September 2004, Yudhoyono participated in the run-off election, winning it with 60.87% of the vote. Yudhoyono was inaugurated as president on 20 October 2004. In February 2010, SBY was named as the political figure who had achieved The Gold Standard in Political Communications on YouTube by the influential Public Affairs Asia network and magazine.

Presidency (2004–2014)

Government and cabinets

On the day of his inauguration in 2004, Yudhoyono announced his new cabinet, which would be known as the United Indonesia Cabinet (Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu). Consisting of 36 ministers, it included members of the Democratic Party, Golkar and the PPP, PBB, PKB, PAN, PKP, and PKS. Professionals were also named in the cabinet, most of them taking on ministries in the economic field. The military were also included, with five former members appointed to the cabinet. As Yudhoyono's promised during the election, four of the cabinet appointees were female. Yudhoyono's Second United Indonesia Cabinet was announced in October 2009 after he was re-elected as president earlier in the year. The vice president in Yudhoyono's second cabinet was Boediono, who replaced Jusuf Kalla, Yudhoyono's vice president in his first cabinet.

=== Balance of political power with Kalla === Although he had won the presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the Indonesian parliament, the House of Representatives (DPR). The Democratic Party, even combined with all of its coalition partners, had far fewer representatives than Golkar and the PDI-P, which played the role of opposition. With a national congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed Agung Laksono speaker to become Golkar chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar Tandjung, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship. On 19 December 2004, Kalla was elected as the new chairman of Golkar. Kalla's victory posed a dilemma for Yudhoyono. Although it now enabled Yudhoyono to pass legislation, Kalla's new position meant that he was now more powerful than Yudhoyono in terms of influence in parliament. After the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami Kalla, apparently on his own initiative, assembled Ministers and signed a vice-presidential decree ordering work to begin on rehabilitating Aceh. The legality of his vice-presidential decree was questioned although Yudhoyono maintained that it was he who gave the orders for Kalla to proceed. In September 2005, when Yudhoyono went to New York City to attend the annual United Nations Summit, he left Vice President Kalla in charge. Yudhoyono held a video conference from New York to receive reports from ministers. Critics suggest that this was an expression of distrust by Yudhoyono. The suggestion seemed to gain momentum when Kalla only showed up for one video conference and then spent the rest of the time taking care of Golkar matters. To defuse political tensions stemming from protests over rising fuel prices, President Yudhoyono dispatched Vice President Jusuf Kalla to meet with several national figures, including former President Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri. Vice President Kalla's arrival at the residence of former President Abdurrahman Wahid in Ciganjur, Jakarta, was greeted by Yenny Wahid, Gus Dur's eldest daughter, on the porch. Kalla, wearing a long-sleeved batik shirt, immediately entered the living room where Gus Dur was waiting. After shaking hands and hugging, Kalla sat on a long chair to Gus Dur's left with Ibu Mufidah. Meanwhile, Ibu Sinta Nuriyah sat beside Yenny Wahid. The conversation immediately became warm, interspersed with Gus Dur's characteristic jokes. Vice President Kalla was greeted by former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, Taufiq Kiemas, and her eldest daughter, Puan Maharani. The two leaders engaged in a relaxed conversation, with Megawati briefly discussing food. Meanwhile, the Vice President responded in a friendly manner, resulting in very warm communication. The meeting, which lasted approximately 15 minutes, gave the impression that there had never been any differences between the two leaders President Yudhoyono's first term was relatively stable due to his strategy of maintaining balance, but in his second term, when he chose a civil bureaucrat as his vice president, political attacks began to emerge that shook his government.

=== Dealings with Suharto === On 6 May 2005, Yudhoyono visited Suharto at hospital when the latter suffered from intestinal bleeding. On 5 January 2007, Yudhoyono and his wife visited Suharto, who was again hospitalised due to anaemia as well as heart and kidney problems. After the visit, Yudhoyono made an appeal to all Indonesians to pray for Suharto's recovery. Responding to some public requests for Suharto to be granted a pardon for possible past mistakes in governing Indonesia, presidential spokesperson Andi Mallarangeng said, "A visit from an incumbent president to a hospitalized former president is something normal. However, this show of humanity and legal steps are two different things."

Foreign policy

President Yudhoyono's foreign policy sought to create new breakthroughs for the strategic development of Indonesia's defense, namely ending the US military embargo, which was aided by support from Washington. The Bush administration claimed that ending the arms embargo and modernizing the Indonesian Defence Force will help Jakarta address mutual security concerns such as terrorism, maritime piracy, narcotics trafficking, pandemic disease, and disaster relief. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns said that Indonesia, as "the world's largest Muslim state and its third-largest democracy, is a voice of moderation in the Islamic world and plays a unique strategic role in Southeast Asia". In February 2005, the US government reinstated Indonesia's eligibility for the International Military Education and Training program in order to upgrade the quality of its officer corps. In May 2005, it removed restrictions on nonlethal defense equipment such as communications and transport systems. This lifted the last remaining barrier, a ban on sale of lethal weaponry and related equipment. Still recovering from the Asian financial crisis, the Indonesian government lacked the funds to purchase new armaments but took advantage of the new rules to purchase spare parts for its aging fleet of 10 U.S.-supplied F-16 fighters. Invoking these accomplishments at the APEC conference, President Yudhoyono argued that Indonesia had proven itself worthy of resumed military engagement with the United States. While there, he also spoke with Russian President Vladimir Putin about further defence cooperation with Moscow following the 2003 purchase of four Sukhoi warplanes and two MI-35 assault helicopters.n addition to the United States and Russia, Yudhoyono considered purchasing weapons from other potential suppliers, which included several European Union countries, South Korea, India, and China. President Yudhoyono also succeeded in strengthening relations with Russia, which was marked by the visit of President Vladimir Putin in 2007, which was the second visit in 47 years by the leader of the Soviet Union to Indonesia. After the collapse of the New Order, relations between Indonesia and Pacific countries received less attention from Indonesian leaders. Only after President Yudhoyono was elected did he begin to focus Indonesian foreign policy on the Pacific islands. In 2010, President Yudhoyono visited Australia and addressed the Australian parliament. He also succeeded in renewing defence and security cooperation with Australia by including the principle of recognizing Indonesia's territorial integrity in the Lombok Treaty. He also made a historic visit to Papua New Guinea following President Suharto's visit some 31 years earlier, where he spoke about the importance of strategic cooperation between the two countries in various fields. The improving relationship between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea is also reflected in mutual support for Indonesia's role in the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), the Pacific Islands Forum, and Papua New Guinea's role in ASEAN. In 2014, he also became the first Indonesian president to visit the Pacific island nation of Fiji and address the Pacific Islands Forum.

=== Aceh Peace Agreement === During his leadership, President Yudhoyono achieved many important achievements, especially related to domestic stability. The Indonesian government succeeded in reaching a peace agreement with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The memorandum of understanding was signed in Helsinki, Finland, on August 15, 2005. The conflict that has been going on for almost thirty years was initially a form of dissatisfaction with the socio-economic inequality that occurred in Aceh, especially during the New Order era. Resistance to the New Order government has turned into an armed conflict that has claimed thousands of lives. GAM has an army that conducts guerrilla warfare that disrupts national stability. Various efforts have been made by the government from time to time, but GAM continues to exist. Peace negotiations between GAM and the Indonesian government initially began at the beginning of the reform era but were interrupted by the imposition of martial law in Aceh, which stemmed from misunderstandings between the two sides Then the negotiations were restarted during the Yudhoyono administration, the Indonesian government's chief negotiator, Mr. Awaludin, explained why the peace process in Aceh was successful from his perspective as the Indonesian government's chief negotiator during the Helsinki Agreement. The government began the peace negotiations with a clear action plan and reasonable offers, including an amnesty for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and a clear and concrete social, political and economic justice program. President Yudhoyono succeeded in convincing the military, parliament and the international community to actively participate in monitoring and safeguarding the Aceh peace process, as he had already been actively involved in negotiations since 2000 when he served as Minister of Politics and Security and also important factors, especially the 2004 tsunami disaster, which encouraged both sides to focus more on helping victims than fighting, and international pressure on GAM to enter the negotiations. Ultimately, the sincerity of both sides commitment to dialogue proved decisive.

=== Law enforcement and political role model === In the area of law enforcement, President Yudhoyono's administration has made a number of breakthroughs in Indonesia's law enforcement culture. The president has sought to make law enforcement in Indonesia, particularly during his administration, more authoritative. In 2005, former Bank Indonesia deputy chairman Aulia Pohan, who was also the father-in-law of his son Agus Harimurti, was arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), this was the first case involving a relative of a leader in this country. He also tried to prioritize a culture of legal order, for example, the Corruption Court Law and the Juvenile Court Law. He also did not hesitate to dismiss ministers suspected of corruption, even though the minister was his former spokesman and came from the same party as him. The dismissal of an active minister suspected of corruption and already a corruption suspect was the first case in Indonesia of an active minister being a corruption suspect. In 2008, the global financial crisis occurred. The Indonesian government, which had already had bitter experience during the Asian financial crisis, tried to be more responsive in handling the crisis, especially during the Yudhoyono presidency. He tried to build togetherness in handling the global financial crisis, with Indonesia actively participating in the G20. Also at that time, he succeeded in maintaining a calm and stable domestic economic condition in handling the crisis with the policy of closing the Indonesian Stock Exchange and providing bailout funds for Bank Century to prevent panic in the financial industry. At last, Indonesia managed to survive the crisis unlike ten years ago, the steps he took were quick and tactical. He also did not forget about law enforcement by supporting the arrest of several people who took personal advantage of the policy, such as the arrest of the President Director of Bank Century and the Deputy Governor of Bank Indonesia. President Yudhoyono's administration sought to establish a new tradition that the democratic political system is not solely for personal and group gain, but rather for serving the people. At an event organized by the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (HIPMI), the President stated:

"I am not a presidential candidate in 2014. My wife and children will not run for president either, and I have never prepared anyone to run for president. Let the people and democracy speak for themselves in this election," Yudhoyono said. Previously, rumours circulated about amendments to the 1945 Constitution regarding presidential terms and the possibility of presidential family members running for re-election. The President sought to clear the political air at the time. He also strengthened Indonesia's democratic system by ensuring a smooth and orderly leadership transition.

=== Ensuring Political Stability and Security During the Reformation Era === Political and security stability in Indonesia during the early stages of the Reformation era were fraught with challenges, due to numerous political, social, and cultural conflicts. These conflicts also led to rapid changes in government, resulting in political and security instability, further exacerbated by military-civilian rivalries in politics. During President Yudhoyono's administration, despite his military background, he effectively positioned himself as a mediator, particularly regarding civilian and military supremacy in bureaucratic positions. He maintained a neutral stance and did not appoint military personnel to civilian positions. The early stages of the Reformation era were indeed fraught with turmoil, particularly regarding the military's dual role in politics (Dwifungsi ABRI). During the 69th Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) anniversary celebration, which coincided with the end of his term, President Yudhoyono delivered a speech:

The reform of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) has now entered its 15th year. Reform in Indonesia began in 1998. The President expressed his gratitude to the TNI soldiers who have played a role in the reform process, ensuring that the TNI has returned to its original identity and function of safeguarding the sovereignty of the Indonesian nation. "I myself actively participated in that difficult reform process," he said. The challenge of maintaining national security became even more challenging early in his first term as terrorist attacks continued in Indonesia. He was able to maintain security stability through swift and responsive action, stopping terrorist attacks and promptly apprehending the perpetrators. For example, during the terrorist attacks in 2005 and 2009, his administration was able to respond quickly and tactically, ensuring public security and enabling the economy to grow.

=== Economic policy === In a meeting with regional heads, President Yudhoyono outlined some of the government's achievements in the economic field

"We should be grateful for the economic achievements that have been made, although there are still some that have not been achieved," he explained. He added that the economic conditions at the beginning of his first term in 2004 were still characterized by low GDP and significant economic growth, as well as minimal infrastructure. He said the process of economic consolidation then began, and social and security conditions became more stable after peaceful and democratic elections. Civil servant salaries remain low, while the health budget remains limited, he added. During his leadership, state finances were managed effectively. He was able to formulate appropriate fiscal policy strategies with his ministers, who were economists, resulting in more efficient state financial management, particularly regarding grants and foreign debt. He sought to transform misperceptions about state financial management into effective financial management. In his final state address of his term, he stated:

"With great difficulty, the government succeeded in reducing the debt-to-GDP ratio to around 23 percent. During the 1998 monetary crisis, Indonesia's debt-to-GDP ratio reached 85 percent, almost equal to the total income of the Indonesian people. During my inauguration, the debt-to-GDP ratio fell from 56.6 percent in 2004 to 23 percent in 2013. The government also succeeded in reducing foreign grant aid, which is no longer a determining factor in national development, as its portion currently only represents 0.7 percent of the total national budget. However, Indonesia continues to receive grants from friendly countries as long as they are given in good faith". He indicated that GDP and foreign exchange reserves had increased significantly and the ratio of debt to gross domestic product could be reduced from 56 percent to 23 percent. President Yudhoyono added that Indonesia's debt ratio of 23 percent to GDP was far below that of developed countries such as Germany (86.1 percent), United States (104.1 percent), and United Kingdom ( 107 percent). He said, during the 2004–2014 period, domestic and foreign debt could also be reduced while the state budget was increased fourfold. In 2004, the country's per capita income was recorded at US$1188 but ten years later it rose to US$3490. Indonesia is also recorded as a country with the second highest economic growth rate since 2009 after China with the country's exports increasing threefold. At that time, Indonesia's debt-to-GDP ratio was the lowest among the developed countries in the G20. Unfortunately, this sound state financial management policy was not continued by subsequent presidents. He also successfully repaid the IMF debt incurred during the 1998 monetary crisis, which was originally due in 2010 but was repaid early in 2006. In 2015, he explained the reason for this early repayment.

The primary reason was to prevent Indonesia from being dictated to by the IMF and donor countries. He explained that by "dictate," he meant that development planning, including the state budget and financial use, did not require the IMF. In 2012, after successfully paying off its IMF debt, his government also provided a loan to the international donor agency because Indonesia's economy was considered quite strong at that time. In 2007, President Yudhoyono also successfully initiated the dissolution of the Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) because he wanted Indonesia to be more independent and less dependent on so many parties. President Yudhoyono stated that

Indonesia no longer needs to discuss development program plans with creditor forums. "Indonesia will do everything by itself without the help of CGI. Because of that, we see that there is no need for a CGI forum anymore," he explained, the CGI dissolution policy had been started since last year. He also emphasized the importance of the Indonesian people to be more independent in planning and implementing development. The dissolution of CGI, he said, demanded Indonesia's full responsibility to determine the budget and meet financial needs. Established in 1992, the CGI was a consortium of countries and institutions providing loans to Indonesia, set up by the Indonesian government and the World Bank. Its membership was made up of 30 bilateral and multilateral creditors, including the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund and industrialized countries such as Japan and the United States, as well as many other smaller countries and many other world financial and aid institutions. In 2006 the Consultative Group on Indonesia pledged $5.4 billion in fresh loans and grants for Indonesia. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani said the Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) was no longer needed as the country's primary creditors were only the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Japan, and that Indonesia now preferred one-on-one negotiations rather than round table, multilateral ones. She said the dissolution of the CGI was also of benefit to Indonesia as it freed the government of the need to explain its intentions and plans to many different parties.